Already there the citizen participation of young Black people in Quebec

Already there the citizen participation of young Black people in Quebec Photo credit: Nuxcine Author.ice: Ariane Kamdoum, president of the FJAQ Very often, the term “civic participation” is associated with voting or official institutions. This view contributes to obscuring the contribution of young people from Quebec’s Black communities, as well as other youth living in marginalized situations.With this series, our intention is twofold: to recognize and give visibility to the forms of engagement already present among these young people, and to open up the field of possibilities so that their voices can resonate everywhere—including in decision-making spaces where they are still largely absent. Recognize what already exists If we put aside the narrow view of civic participation for a moment, it becomes undeniable that young people from Quebec’s Black communities are essential actors in their communities. When we are comfortable with the multifaceted nature of civic participation, the observation becomes clear: our communities are already organizing, and young people are at the heart of this organization.In 2025, a survey conducted by the Sommet Jeunes Afro among 1,463 young people from Black communities revealed that nearly 68% already believe they are contributing positively to their community.Cultural initiatives, artistic collectives, community support, school projects, and involvement in neighborhood organizations are some of the forms of engagement among young people from Quebec’s Black communities. Notably, 27% of Black youth report actively participating in cultural organizations, compared to only 10% of other youth. This overinvestment demonstrates creativity and a desire to nurture collective identity despite persistent obstacles.Identifying these forms of engagement also means understanding that they take place in a context marked by inequality. More than 83% of Black youth say they have experienced discrimination related to their identity, and 66% report being treated unfairly in their interactions with public services, compared to only 29% of other youth (Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse).In other words, Black youth actively participate in civic life, but in an environment where their legitimacy is still too often questioned. Their engagement is not only a social contribution: it is also an act of resistance and a political affirmation. Why is it political? Recognizing the forms of engagement of Black youth is a profoundly political gesture. It first helps deconstruct the myth of a demobilized youth. Too often, Black youth are portrayed in public discourse as disengaged, indifferent, or withdrawn. This reductive view renders their creativity, initiative, and resilience invisible. Highlighting real engagement also means breaking the disembodied vision of youth on the margins of society. Recent data, on the contrary, show a resolutely active youth population, making concrete contributions to community life—whether through cultural projects, mutual aid, activism, or social innovation. By recognizing these practices as true forms of civic participation, we affirm that these young people are full members of their community and of Quebec as a whole.Finally, valuing this engagement sends a clear signal to decision-makers and institutions. It allows us to better understand where and how to reach these young people, and, above all, how to invest in them. The venues for Black youth engagement are sometimes different from traditional channels, but they hold immense collective potential. For public policy, this is an opportunity to connect with a generation that is already inventing its own ways of forming society, and to build truly inclusive strategies. Expand the scope of action The citizen participation of young Black people is already very real. The question is not to “start”, but to recognize and strengthen what exists. For this, two dimensions must be considered: the role of institutions and support for an increased presence in decision-making spaces. The role of institutions: recognize and perpetuate the existing Support the presence of young people in underrepresented spaces Institutions—whether municipalities, schools, public organizations, or donors—have a clear responsibility: to promote and sustainably support initiatives that are already emerging from communities. This can be achieved through: Funding programs that respect the autonomy of community projects instead of forcing them to conform to predefined frameworks. Official recognition (media, political, academic) of local initiatives as legitimate forms of citizenship. Equal partnerships, where young people are considered as actors and not as “beneficiaries.” Recognizing these initiatives as genuine civic practices broadens the definition of citizenship itself. Beyond recognizing what already exists, it is also essential to support the presence of young Black people in places where their voices are still too rarely heard: municipal councils, consultative bodies, roundtables, research and public decision-making spaces. The challenge here is not to “assimilate” young people into inherited structures, but to: Create inclusive conditions that enable their participation without erasing their realities and perspectives. Provide support (mentoring, financial resources, appropriate training) that gives young people the opportunity to express themselves and influence without being marginalized. Promote the transformation of the institutions themselves so that they become truly representative and welcoming. The objective is to enrich institutions with the contribution of these young people through their realities and creativity. Institutions—whether municipalities, schools, public organizations, or donors—have a clear responsibility: to promote and sustainably support initiatives that are already emerging from communities. This can be achieved through: Funding programs that respect the autonomy of community projects instead of forcing them to conform to predefined frameworks. Official recognition (media, political, academic) of local initiatives as legitimate forms of citizenship. Equal partnerships, where young people are considered as actors and not as “beneficiaries.” Recognizing these initiatives as genuine civic practices broadens the definition of citizenship itself. Beyond recognizing what already exists, it is also essential to support the presence of young Black people in places where their voices are still too rarely heard: municipal councils, consultative bodies, roundtables, research and public decision-making spaces. The challenge here is not to “assimilate” young people into inherited structures, but to: Create inclusive conditions that enable their participation without erasing their realities and perspectives. Provide support (mentoring, financial resources, appropriate training) that gives young people the opportunity to express themselves and influence without being marginalized. Promote the transformation of the

The psychological weight of racism and microaggressions

The psychological weight of racism and microaggressions Author.ice: Peterson Antenor, Ustawi Research Agent, FJAQ On the evening of Thursday, September 11, 2025, an outdoor movie screening was held at Pointe aux Lièvres Park, organized by the FJAQ team in collaboration with Engrenage Saint-Roch. The film, Haïti-Québec (1985), directed by Tahani Rached, was shown. This documentary showcases the unabashed racism used by Montrealers as a competitive weapon against Haitian taxi drivers during the crisis in the taxi industry at the time.It also reveals the adjustment difficulties faced by Haitian families facing isolation and loneliness, depression, and the urgent need to educate their children “differently.”Peterson Anténor and Houmou spoke with Imeda; we share an excerpt from their conversation. Élargir le champ d’action La participation citoyenne des jeunes Noir·e·s est déjà bien réelle. La question n’est pas de “commencer”, mais de reconnaître et de renforcer ce qui existe. Pour cela, deux dimensions doivent être envisagées : le rôle des institutions et le soutien à une présence accrue dans les espaces décisionnels. Le rôle des institutions : reconnaître et pérenniser l’existant Soutenir la présence des jeunes dans les espaces sous-représentés Les institutions — qu’il s’agisse des municipalités, des écoles, des organismes publics ou des bailleurs de fonds — ont une responsabilité claire : valoriser et soutenir durablement les initiatives qui émergent déjà des communautés. Cela peut passer par : Des programmes de financement qui respectent l’autonomie des projets communautaires au lieu de les contraindre à se conformer à des cadres prédéfinis. La reconnaissance officielle (médiatique, politique, académique) des initiatives locales comme formes légitimes de citoyenneté. Des partenariats égalitaires, où les jeunes sont considéré·e·s comme acteurs et actrices et non comme “bénéficiaires”. Reconnaître ces initiatives comme de véritables pratiques citoyennes, c’est élargir la définition de la citoyenneté elle-même. Au-delà de la reconnaissance de l’existant, il est également essentiel de soutenir la présence des jeunes Noir·e·s dans les lieux où leurs voix sont encore trop peu entendues : conseils municipaux, instances consultatives, tables de concertation, espaces de recherche et de décision publique. Ici, l’enjeu n’est pas d’“assimiler” les jeunes à des structures héritées, mais de : Créer des conditions inclusives qui permettent leur participation sans effacement de leurs réalités et perspectives. Assurer un accompagnement (mentorat, ressources financières, formation adaptée) qui donne aux jeunes la possibilité de s’exprimer et d’influencer sans être marginalisé·e·s. Favoriser la transformation des institutions elles-mêmes pour qu’elles deviennent réellement représentatives et accueillantes. L’objectif est d’enrichir les institutions de l’apport de cette jeunesse grâce à ses réalités et sa créativité. Les institutions — qu’il s’agisse des municipalités, des écoles, des organismes publics ou des bailleurs de fonds — ont une responsabilité claire : valoriser et soutenir durablement les initiatives qui émergent déjà des communautés. Cela peut passer par : Des programmes de financement qui respectent l’autonomie des projets communautaires au lieu de les contraindre à se conformer à des cadres prédéfinis. La reconnaissance officielle (médiatique, politique, académique) des initiatives locales comme formes légitimes de citoyenneté. Des partenariats égalitaires, où les jeunes sont considéré·e·s comme acteurs et actrices et non comme “bénéficiaires”. Reconnaître ces initiatives comme de véritables pratiques citoyennes, c’est élargir la définition de la citoyenneté elle-même. Au-delà de la reconnaissance de l’existant, il est également essentiel de soutenir la présence des jeunes Noir·e·s dans les lieux où leurs voix sont encore trop peu entendues : conseils municipaux, instances consultatives, tables de concertation, espaces de recherche et de décision publique. Ici, l’enjeu n’est pas d’“assimiler” les jeunes à des structures héritées, mais de : Créer des conditions inclusives qui permettent leur participation sans effacement de leurs réalités et perspectives. Assurer un accompagnement (mentorat, ressources financières, formation adaptée) qui donne aux jeunes la possibilité de s’exprimer et d’influencer sans être marginalisé·e·s. Favoriser la transformation des institutions elles-mêmes pour qu’elles deviennent réellement représentatives et accueillantes. L’objectif est d’enrichir les institutions de l’apport de cette jeunesse grâce à ses réalités et sa créativité. The impact of racism on the mental health of Afro-descendants 1. What can you say about the psychological impact of racism on people who are victims? I offer you this testimony from a “Facebook friend” published on her wall on July 8th. Social media is not only a space for exchange and encounters for me, it is also a field of research and observation. In her post, she shared a video link to the song “Fight the Power” by the legendary rap group Public Enemy, released in 1989: “For me, dance is life. It’s my antidepressant. My oxygen. It’s what moves me and keeps me alive. Dance for me is always healing. But today, I experienced a special moment: I danced to “Fight the Power” by Public Enemy in my childhood bedroom. It took me back to 1989, when I was a teenager listening to that same music in that same bedroom.” At the time, I was fighting alone against my mother’s extreme internalized racism, my father’s colonial racism, and the widespread xenophobic racism of Quebec society. Public Enemy came into my life in 1987 and gave me the strength, the knowledge, and the energy to keep fighting, and even to fight harder and harder. This group saved my life. It helped me understand my history, our history. It gave me the courage to resist, the words to do so. It brought me out of my isolation and joined a centuries-old resistance movement. At the time, I didn’t know my mother was Haitian, so my reference point was African Americans, whom I still consider my brothers and sisters today, in struggle, in heart, and in blood. I remember listening to this music so loudly in my room, making my house shake, to bury my parents’ racism. It was war! My parents forbade me from listening to this “monkey” music, and I would turn the volume up to the max in my blasted ghetto, brandishing pictures of Nelson Mandela.Unfortunately, today, I only have a Sony Bluetooth speaker, which doesn’t even shake the furniture it’s on. But in my heart and head, these words resonate

Haiti-Quebec: from complicity to systemic racism

Haiti-Quebec: of complicity to systemic racism Author.ice: Peterson Antenor, Ustawi Research Agent, FJAQ On the evening of Thursday, September 11, 2025, an outdoor movie screening was held at Pointe aux Lièvres Park, organized by the FJAQ team in collaboration with Engrenage Saint-Roch. The film, Haïti-Québec (1985), directed by Tahani Rached, was shown. This documentary showcases the unabashed racism used by Montrealers as a competitive weapon against Haitian taxi drivers during the crisis in the taxi industry at the time.It also reveals the adjustment difficulties faced by Haitian families facing isolation and loneliness, depression, and the urgent need to educate their children “differently.”Peterson Anténor and Houmou spoke with Imeda; we share an excerpt from their conversation. Élargir le champ d’action La participation citoyenne des jeunes Noir·e·s est déjà bien réelle. La question n’est pas de “commencer”, mais de reconnaître et de renforcer ce qui existe. Pour cela, deux dimensions doivent être envisagées : le rôle des institutions et le soutien à une présence accrue dans les espaces décisionnels. Le rôle des institutions : reconnaître et pérenniser l’existant Soutenir la présence des jeunes dans les espaces sous-représentés Les institutions — qu’il s’agisse des municipalités, des écoles, des organismes publics ou des bailleurs de fonds — ont une responsabilité claire : valoriser et soutenir durablement les initiatives qui émergent déjà des communautés. Cela peut passer par : Des programmes de financement qui respectent l’autonomie des projets communautaires au lieu de les contraindre à se conformer à des cadres prédéfinis. La reconnaissance officielle (médiatique, politique, académique) des initiatives locales comme formes légitimes de citoyenneté. Des partenariats égalitaires, où les jeunes sont considéré·e·s comme acteurs et actrices et non comme “bénéficiaires”. Reconnaître ces initiatives comme de véritables pratiques citoyennes, c’est élargir la définition de la citoyenneté elle-même. Au-delà de la reconnaissance de l’existant, il est également essentiel de soutenir la présence des jeunes Noir·e·s dans les lieux où leurs voix sont encore trop peu entendues : conseils municipaux, instances consultatives, tables de concertation, espaces de recherche et de décision publique. Ici, l’enjeu n’est pas d’“assimiler” les jeunes à des structures héritées, mais de : Créer des conditions inclusives qui permettent leur participation sans effacement de leurs réalités et perspectives. Assurer un accompagnement (mentorat, ressources financières, formation adaptée) qui donne aux jeunes la possibilité de s’exprimer et d’influencer sans être marginalisé·e·s. Favoriser la transformation des institutions elles-mêmes pour qu’elles deviennent réellement représentatives et accueillantes. L’objectif est d’enrichir les institutions de l’apport de cette jeunesse grâce à ses réalités et sa créativité. Les institutions — qu’il s’agisse des municipalités, des écoles, des organismes publics ou des bailleurs de fonds — ont une responsabilité claire : valoriser et soutenir durablement les initiatives qui émergent déjà des communautés. Cela peut passer par : Des programmes de financement qui respectent l’autonomie des projets communautaires au lieu de les contraindre à se conformer à des cadres prédéfinis. La reconnaissance officielle (médiatique, politique, académique) des initiatives locales comme formes légitimes de citoyenneté. Des partenariats égalitaires, où les jeunes sont considéré·e·s comme acteurs et actrices et non comme “bénéficiaires”. Reconnaître ces initiatives comme de véritables pratiques citoyennes, c’est élargir la définition de la citoyenneté elle-même. Au-delà de la reconnaissance de l’existant, il est également essentiel de soutenir la présence des jeunes Noir·e·s dans les lieux où leurs voix sont encore trop peu entendues : conseils municipaux, instances consultatives, tables de concertation, espaces de recherche et de décision publique. Ici, l’enjeu n’est pas d’“assimiler” les jeunes à des structures héritées, mais de : Créer des conditions inclusives qui permettent leur participation sans effacement de leurs réalités et perspectives. Assurer un accompagnement (mentorat, ressources financières, formation adaptée) qui donne aux jeunes la possibilité de s’exprimer et d’influencer sans être marginalisé·e·s. Favoriser la transformation des institutions elles-mêmes pour qu’elles deviennent réellement représentatives et accueillantes. L’objectif est d’enrichir les institutions de l’apport de cette jeunesse grâce à ses réalités et sa créativité. The racism suffered by Haitians in the 1980s 1. Since the 80s, several waves of Haitian migration have shaped the history of Quebec. In your opinion, what do we too often forget to say about this migratory journey and the realities that the community has had to face here? There are several elements that are almost always overlooked when discussing the historical immigration relationship between Haiti and Quebec. First, it is often forgotten that Haiti and Quebec have been linked by movements of mobility and immigration since the establishment of intercolonial trade between Quebec City, Port-Royal, and Saint-Domingue. In addition to the goods that circulated, there were also men and women. This explains why, as early as 1728, there is clear evidence of Haitians settling in Quebec City.Two historical events would completely change the course of this history: first, the fall of Quebec City into English hands in 1759; On the other hand, the defeat of the French monarchy in Saint-Domingue during the revolutionary struggles leading to the founding of the Republic of Haiti in 1804. Another often overlooked aspect is the great affinity, the sincere sympathy, that existed between French Canadians and Haitians after having ignored each other during the 19th century. During this period, the elites of the two countries drew closer: diplomatic relations were established, religious cooperation in the fields of education, scholarships were offered, and so on. One of the figures who documented this enthusiasm between the elites of the two countries was Abbé Gringa. He described Haitians as “more cultured than Quebecers,” stating that they were “French by culture, Christian by faith, Canadian by friendship” (Icart, 2006). It was thanks to this friendship and close bond that the first wave of Haitian migration took place in the mid-1960s, composed mostly of people fleeing the Duvalier dictatorship. This wave benefited from very favorable “integration” conditions in the context of the Quiet Revolution, where thousands of Haitians worked as teachers, doctors, lawyers, and others. Many married Quebecers. It is important to note that these migrants were mostly part of the Haitian elite, who were French-speaking, skilled, and light-skinned. However, this close