FJAQ

Haiti-Quebec:

of complicity to systemic racism

Author.ice: Peterson Antenor, Ustawi Research Agent, FJAQ

On the evening of Thursday, September 11, 2025, an outdoor movie screening was held at Pointe aux Lièvres Park, organized by the FJAQ team in collaboration with Engrenage Saint-Roch. The film, Haïti-Québec (1985), directed by Tahani Rached, was shown. This documentary showcases the unabashed racism used by Montrealers as a competitive weapon against Haitian taxi drivers during the crisis in the taxi industry at the time.
It also reveals the adjustment difficulties faced by Haitian families facing isolation and loneliness, depression, and the urgent need to educate their children “differently.”
Peterson Anténor and Houmou spoke with Imeda; we share an excerpt from their conversation.

Élargir le champ d’action

La participation citoyenne des jeunes Noir·e·s est déjà bien réelle. La question n’est pas de “commencer”, mais de reconnaître et de renforcer ce qui existe. Pour cela, deux dimensions doivent être envisagées : le rôle des institutions et le soutien à une présence accrue dans les espaces décisionnels.

Les institutions — qu’il s’agisse des municipalités, des écoles, des organismes publics ou des bailleurs de fonds — ont une responsabilité claire : valoriser et soutenir durablement les initiatives qui émergent déjà des communautés. Cela peut passer par :

  • Des programmes de financement qui respectent l’autonomie des projets communautaires au lieu de les contraindre à se conformer à des cadres prédéfinis.
  • La reconnaissance officielle (médiatique, politique, académique) des initiatives locales comme formes légitimes de citoyenneté.
  • Des partenariats égalitaires, où les jeunes sont considéré·e·s comme acteurs et actrices et non comme “bénéficiaires”.

Reconnaître ces initiatives comme de véritables pratiques citoyennes, c’est élargir la définition de la citoyenneté elle-même.

Au-delà de la reconnaissance de l’existant, il est également essentiel de soutenir la présence des jeunes Noir·e·s dans les lieux où leurs voix sont encore trop peu entendues : conseils municipaux, instances consultatives, tables de concertation, espaces de recherche et de décision publique. Ici, l’enjeu n’est pas d’“assimiler” les jeunes à des structures héritées, mais de :

  • Créer des conditions inclusives qui permettent leur participation sans effacement de leurs réalités et perspectives.
  • Assurer un accompagnement (mentorat, ressources financières, formation adaptée) qui donne aux jeunes la possibilité de s’exprimer et d’influencer sans être marginalisé·e·s.
  • Favoriser la transformation des institutions elles-mêmes pour qu’elles deviennent réellement représentatives et accueillantes.

L’objectif est d’enrichir les institutions de l’apport de cette jeunesse grâce à ses réalités et sa créativité.

The racism suffered by Haitians in the 1980s

There are several elements that are almost always overlooked when discussing the historical immigration relationship between Haiti and Quebec. First, it is often forgotten that Haiti and Quebec have been linked by movements of mobility and immigration since the establishment of intercolonial trade between Quebec City, Port-Royal, and Saint-Domingue. In addition to the goods that circulated, there were also men and women. This explains why, as early as 1728, there is clear evidence of Haitians settling in Quebec City.
Two historical events would completely change the course of this history: first, the fall of Quebec City into English hands in 1759; On the other hand, the defeat of the French monarchy in Saint-Domingue during the revolutionary struggles leading to the founding of the Republic of Haiti in 1804.

Another often overlooked aspect is the great affinity, the sincere sympathy, that existed between French Canadians and Haitians after having ignored each other during the 19th century. During this period, the elites of the two countries drew closer: diplomatic relations were established, religious cooperation in the fields of education, scholarships were offered, and so on.

One of the figures who documented this enthusiasm between the elites of the two countries was Abbé Gringa. He described Haitians as “more cultured than Quebecers,” stating that they were “French by culture, Christian by faith, Canadian by friendship” (Icart, 2006).

It was thanks to this friendship and close bond that the first wave of Haitian migration took place in the mid-1960s, composed mostly of people fleeing the Duvalier dictatorship. This wave benefited from very favorable “integration” conditions in the context of the Quiet Revolution, where thousands of Haitians worked as teachers, doctors, lawyers, and others. Many married Quebecers. It is important to note that these migrants were mostly part of the Haitian elite, who were French-speaking, skilled, and light-skinned.

However, this close bond transformed into othering, in the words of Lyonel Icart (2006), in the 1980s. During these years, a new wave of migration arrived, composed of darker-skinned people, Creole speakers, followers of voodoo as an ancestral religious practice, and often with less professional qualifications. This wave encountered concrete difficulties in professional integration.

Haitian history is so rich and complex that it will be no easy task for me to retrace its true contours here. But I will offer you two angles of approach, or two boiler ears—to use a metaphor from our own country, to present Haiti.
First, Haiti as a laboratory of capitalist modernity, founded on exploitation, racism, exclusion, and social inequality. To satisfy their desire for domination and conquest, the European monarchies of the 15th century set their sights on this vast land where we find ourselves today (renamed America), plundering its natural resources, decimating the communities and cultural practices that existed there. When there were fewer workers to extort the mines and cultivate the fields, they went to the African continent to extract what they considered “black ore.”

To short-circuit this project of self-annihilation fomented by the slavery and colonialist system, former slaves, freed mulattoes, field slaves, artisan slaves, and domestic slaves mobilized to lead a struggle for freedom and the restoration of human dignity. The supporters of the Saint-Domingue revolution—whom we respectfully call our Heroes of Independence—rose up against the negation of the other, against the social exclusion that characterized this inhuman order.
We rarely speak of our revolution in this tone, but by overturning this human degradation that was the enslavement of human beings by other human beings, motivated by the madness of white superiority, it aimed, I repeat, at the restoration of human dignity.
Unfortunately, more than two centuries later, Haiti’s message remains inaudible, both within the country and in the global world. We are witnessing, in the words of Achille Mbembe, “the world becoming black.” Consider how the lives of women, children, and men in Gaza, the Congo, South Sudan, and Ukraine are treated with contempt and indignity. Observe the way young people struggling with drug use and homelessness are treated in our modern societies.

This message is inaudible because, it must be said, Haiti today is navigating between despair, sadness, and wandering. Having failed to forge healthy and harmonious bonds of solidarity after the slap in the face dealt by the imperialist and colonialist West, Haitians are adrift and transforming themselves into their own executioners. From now on, Haiti’s enemy is no longer found abroad as in the past, but within the very depths of its people. Psychoanalysts may see this as a return of the repressed colonial past, now a distant memory, but I remain convinced that Haiti must reconcile with itself; and this reconciliation cannot be achieved alone.
Haiti does not need deadly assistance, donors, lessons, or pretentious people who believe they possess the right remedies. Above all, Haitians need to be considered as full human beings, to finally emerge from the trauma of slavery.

The Haitian community in Montreal, and even here in Quebec City, experiences racism, as do the Arab, Muslim, and Latino communities. While there is a lack of documentation on these issues, a growing number of scientific studies and reports from organizations are addressing them. I am thinking in particular of our research as part of the Ustawi initiative on the impact of racism on mental health, as well as the research currently being conducted by Maxime Fortun (Observatoire du profilage racial) on the racial profiling of Black, Latino, and Arab people in Quebec City by the Quebec City Police Service (SPVQ).

This racism persists simply because institutions have inherited norms, processes, and practices that “maintain the historical inequalities suffered by certain groups and contribute to the accumulation of disadvantages experienced by them” (CDPDJ, 2024). Concretely, this can be observed in the career paths of these groups, which are often oriented toward professions that tend to be subordinated: healthcare workers, agricultural workers, factory workers, and many others. This systemic racism is also manifested in access to social and health services, in the search for housing, and even within the education system. It is intrinsically linked to the white supremacy that characterizes North American societies, founded on the plundering and near-decimation of Indigenous peoples.

In another vein, and here I am speaking specifically of Haiti and Haitians, we must be aware that there has historically been a process of distancing Haiti, a construction of “Haiti as Other.” Here, I agree with the thesis defended by anthropologist Marie Meudec (2017), who emphasizes that “people of Haitian descent are often stigmatized, dehumanized, and discriminated against in Caribbean and North American societies.” I would add that this is also observed in certain European (such as France) and Latin American (such as Chile or the Dominican Republic) societies.

This dynamic brings us into dialogue with a problem deeply rooted in modern thought and imagination. The narrative conveyed by Western societies in the aftermath of the Haitian revolution presented Haiti as “deviant,” unique, bizarre, unnatural, singular, strange, grotesque—and more recently, “resilient.” These discourses and representations often overlook the fact that Haiti constitutes the longest neocolonial experience in Western history, to borrow Michel-Rolph Trouillot’s words.
My training in psychology and the ethnopsychiatric sensitivity that drives me allow me, like many others, to take a step back from this “Haitian pseudo-resilience.” My co-supervisor, Daniel Derivois, speaks of “pathological resilience” to describe this stagnation, even psychological regression, among Haitians.
That being said, I can outline this legacy by asking ourselves what this has done to Haitians, and in turn, what happens to Haitian women from this legacy?

Frantz Fanon observed an inferiority complex among Martinicans in the postcolonial context in which he practiced. A similar phenomenon may have occurred among Haitians: by dint of being sidelined, they inevitably distanced themselves. The ethnic isolation of Haitians in Montreal, observed by Lafortune and his colleagues (2020), although it emanates from a form of solidarity “in evil”, in reality testifies to the difficulty of the “Haitian community” to live together with itself, but also with others (Derivois, 2017).

Bibliographical references

  • Icart, Lyonel. 2007. “Haiti-en-Québec: Notes for a history”. Ethnologies 28 (1): 45-79. https://doi.org/10.7202/014148ar.
  • Cénat, Jude Mary, Stéphanie Manoni-Millar, Athourina David, et al. 2025. “Racism in Education among Black Youth in Canada and Its Association with Depression, Anxiety, Stress, and Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder.” Research on Child and Adolescent Psychopathology, advance online publication, April 5. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10802-025-01316-y.
  • Darius, Wina Paul, Seyed Mohammad Mahdi Moshirian Farahi, Cary S. Kogan, Assumpta Ndengeyingoma, and Jude Mary Cénat. 2024. “Depression and Suicidal Ideation among Black Individuals in Canada: Mediating Role of Traumatic Life Events and Moderating Role of Racial Microaggressions and Internalized Racism.” Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology 59 (11): 1975-84. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00127-024-02641-1.
  • Derivois, Daniel, Jude Mary Cénat, Amira Karray, et al. 2018. “Resilience in Haiti: Is It Culturally Pathological?” » BJPsych International 15 (4): 79-80. https://doi.org/10.1192/bji.2017.25.
  • Derivois, Daniel. 2017. Clinic of Globality. Living Together with Oneself, Living Together with Others. De Boeck Supérieur. Icart, Lyonel. 2007. “Haiti-in-Quebec: Notes for a History.” Ethnologies 28 (1): 45-79. https://doi.org/10.7202/014148ar.
  • Kogan, Cary S., Pari-Gole Noorishad, Assumpta Ndengeyingoma, Mireille Guerrier, and Jude Mary Cénat. 2022. “Prevalence and Correlates of Anxiety Symptoms among Black People in Canada: A Significant Role for Everyday Racial Discrimination and Racial Microaggressions.” Journal of Affective Disorders 308 (July): 545–53. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jad.2022.04.110.
  • Meudec, Marie. 2017. “Thinking about the Perpetuation of Prejudice about Haiti and Haitians: Othering, Racism, Colonial Imagination, and White Hegemony.” https://www.researchgate.net/publication/333868354.
  • Racial Profiling. Definitions, Victims’ Experiences, and Consequences. 2024. Observatory of Black Communities of Quebec.